The American Trends Panel (ATP), created by Pew Research Center, is a nationally representative panel of randomly selected U.S. adults. Panelists participate via self-administered web surveys. Panelists who do not have internet access at home are provided with a tablet and wireless internet connection. Interviews are conducted in both English and Spanish. The panel is being managed by Ipsos.

Data in this report is drawn from the panel wave conducted from Aug. 1-14, 2022, and included oversamples of Hispanic, Asian and Black adults, as well as 18- to 29-year-old Republicans and Republican-leaning independents in order to provide more precise estimates of the opinions and experiences of these smaller demographic subgroups. These oversampled groups are weighted back to reflect their correct proportions in the population. A total of 7,647 panelists responded out of 13,221 who were sampled, for a response rate of 65%. This included 6,025 respondents from the ATP and an oversample of 1,622 Hispanic respondents from Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel. The cumulative response rate accounting for nonresponse to the recruitment surveys and attrition is 3%. The break-off rate among panelists who logged on to the survey and completed at least one item is 2%. The margin of sampling error for the full sample of 7,647 respondents is plus or minus 1.7 percentage points.

Panel recruitment

The ATP was created in 2014, with the first cohort of panelists invited to join the panel at the end of a large, national, landline and cellphone random-digit-dial survey that was conducted in both English and Spanish. Two additional recruitments were conducted using the same method in 2015 and 2017, respectively. Across these three surveys, a total of 19,718 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 9,942 (50%) agreed to participate.

In August 2018, the ATP switched from telephone to address-based recruitment. Invitations were sent to a stratified, random sample of households selected from the U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File. Sampled households receive mailings asking a randomly selected adult to complete a survey online. A question at the end of the survey asks if the respondent is willing to join the ATP. Starting in 2020 another stage was added to the recruitment. Households that do not respond to the online survey are sent a paper version of the questionnaire, $5 and a postage-paid return envelope. A subset of the adults returning the paper version of the survey are invited to join the ATP. This subset of adults receive a follow-up mailing with a $10 pre-incentive and invitation to join the ATP.

Across the four address-based recruitments, a total of 19,822 adults were invited to join the ATP, of whom 17,472 agreed to join the panel and completed an initial profile survey. In each household, the adult with the next birthday was asked to go online to complete a survey, at the end of which they were invited to join the panel. Of the 27,414 individuals who have ever joined the ATP, 11,651 remained active panelists and continued to receive survey invitations at the time this survey was conducted.

The U.S. Postal Service’s Delivery Sequence File has been estimated to cover as much as 98% of the population, although some studies suggest that the coverage could be in the low 90% range.² The American Trends Panel never uses breakout routers or chains that direct respondents to additional surveys.

Sample design

The overall target population for this survey was noninstitutionalized persons ages 18 and older living in the U.S., including Alaska and Hawaii. It featured a stratified random sample from the ATP in which Hispanic, Asian and Black adults, as well as 18- to 29-year-old Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, were selected with certainty. The remaining panelists were sampled at rates designed to ensure that the share of respondents in each stratum is proportional to its share of the U.S. adult population to the greatest extent possible. Respondent weights are adjusted to account for differential probabilities of selection as described in the Weighting section below.

Questionnaire development and testing

The questionnaire was developed by Pew Research Center in consultation with Ipsos. The web program was rigorously tested on both PC and mobile devices by the Ipsos project management team and Pew Research Center researchers. The Ipsos project management team also populated test data that was analyzed in SPSS to ensure the logic and randomizations were working as intended before launching the survey.

Incentives

All respondents were offered a post-paid incentive for their participation. Respondents could choose to receive the post-paid incentive in the form of a check or a gift code to Amazon.com or could choose to decline the incentive. Incentive amounts ranged from $5 to $20 depending on whether the respondent belongs to a part of the population that is harder or easier to reach. Differential incentive amounts were designed to increase panel survey participation among groups that traditionally have low survey response propensities.

Ipsos operates an ongoing modest incentive program for KnowledgePanel to encourage participation and create member loyalty. The incentive program includes special raffles and sweepstakes with both cash rewards and other prizes to be won. Typically, panel members are assigned no more than one survey per week. On average, panel members complete two to three surveys per month with durations of 10 to 15 minutes per survey. An additional incentive is usually provided for longer surveys. For this survey, during the last few days of data collection, KnowledgePanel members were offered 10,000 points (equivalent to $10) in addition to the regular incentive program in an attempt to boost the number of responses from panel members of Central American ancestry.

Data collection protocol

The data collection field period for this survey was Aug. 1-14, 2022. Postcard notifications were mailed to all ATP panelists with a known residential address on Aug. 1. 

Invitations were sent out in two separate launches: soft launch and full launch. Sixty ATP panelists and 909 KnowledgePanel (KP) panelists were included in the soft launch, which began with an initial invitation sent on Aug. 1, 2022.

The ATP panelists chosen for the initial soft launch were known responders who had completed previous ATP surveys within one day of receiving their invitation. All remaining English- and Spanish-speaking panelists were included in the full launch and were sent an invitation on Aug. 3.

All panelists with an email address received an email invitation and up to four email reminders if they did not respond to the survey. All ATP panelists that consented to SMS messages received an SMS invitation and up to four SMS reminders.

Data quality checks

To ensure high-quality data, the Center’s researchers performed data quality checks to identify any respondents showing clear patterns of satisficing. This includes checking for very high rates of leaving questions blank, as well as always selecting the first or last answer presented. As a result of this checking, 12 ATP and seven KP respondents were removed from the survey dataset prior to weighting and analysis.

Weighting

The data was weighted in a multistep process that accounts for multiple stages of sampling and nonresponse that occur at different points in the survey process. First, each panelist began with a base weight that reflects their probability of selection for their initial recruitment survey. These weights were then adjusted to account for each panelist’s probability of being sampled to participate in this wave.

Next, respondents were placed into one of five sample groups: 1) Hispanic adults of Mexican origin; 2) Hispanic adults of Central American origin; 3) other Hispanic adults with no more than a high school education; 4) other Hispanic adults with more than a high school education; and 5) non-Hispanic adults. Separately within each group, the weights for ATP and KnowledgePanel respondents were scaled to be proportional to their effective sample size within that group. The ATP and KnowledgePanel respondents were then recombined and the weights were poststratified so that the weighted proportion of adults in each of the five groups matched its estimated share of the U.S. adult population.

The weights were then calibrated to align with the population benchmarks identified in the accompanying table. These include a set of weighting parameters for the total U.S. adult population as well as an additional set of parameters specifically for Hispanic adults. Separately for each sample group, the weights were then trimmed at the 1st and 99th percentiles to reduce the loss in precision stemming from variance in the weights. Sampling errors and tests of statistical significance take into account the effect of weighting.

Some of the population benchmarks used for weighting come from surveys conducted prior to the coronavirus outbreak that began in February 2020. However, the weighting variables for most ATP members were measured in 2022. A small number of panelists for which 2022 measures were not available use profile variables measured in 2021. For KnowledgePanel respondents, many of the weighting variables were measured on this wave.

This does not pose a problem for most of the variables used in the weighting, which are quite stable at both the population and individual levels. However, volunteerism may have changed over the intervening period in ways that made these more recent measurements incompatible with the available (pre-pandemic) benchmarks. To address this, volunteerism is weighted to an estimated benchmark that attempts to account for possible changes in behavior.

The weighting parameter is estimated using the volunteerism profile variable that was measured on the full American Trends Panel in 2021 but weighted using the profile variable that was measured in 2020. For all other weighting dimensions, the more recent panelist measurements were used. For American Trends panelists recruited in 2021, the 2020 volunteerism measure was imputed using data from existing panelists with similar characteristics. This ensures that any patterns of change that were observed in the existing panelists were also reflected in the new recruits when the weighting was performed.

The following table shows the unweighted sample sizes and the error attributable to sampling that would be expected at the 95% level of confidence for different groups in the survey.

Sample sizes and sampling errors for other subgroups are available upon request. In addition to sampling error, one should bear in mind that question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

Dispositions and response rates

The post Methodology appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Editorial guidance for the report was provided by Noe-Bustamante; Molly Rohal, associate director, communications; Kelly Browning, manager, user experience; Tanya Arditi, senior communications manager; and Joanne Hanner, research intern.

Methodological guidance was provided by Courtney Kennedy, vice president, methods and data and innovation; Andrew Mercer, senior research methodologist; Dorene Asare-Marfo, panel manager; Dana Mildred Popky, associate panel manager; Nick Hatley, former research analyst; and Arnold Lau, research methodologist.

Guidance on the communications strategy and outreach was provided by Arditi; and Julia O’Hanlon, communications manager.

The report was number-checked by Mohamad Moslimani, research assistant; Rachel Chen, research intern; and Haner. Shannon Greenwood, senior digital producer, produced the report. David Kent, senior copy editor, copy edited the report. Charts were designed by Mora, Noe-Bustamante and John Carlo Mandapat, information graphics designer.

Find related reports online at https://www.pewresearch.org/topic/race-ethnicity/racial-ethnic-groups/hispanics-latinos/.

The post Acknowledgments appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Most U.S. Latinos speak Spanish: 75% say they are able to carry on a conversation in Spanish pretty well or very well. And most Latinos (85%) say it is at least somewhat important for future generations of Latinos in the United States to speak Spanish.

But not all Hispanics are Spanish speakers, and about half (54%) of non-Spanish-speaking Hispanics have been shamed by other Hispanics for not speaking Spanish.

At the same time, 78% of U.S. Hispanics say it is not necessary to speak Spanish in order to be considered Hispanic.

We asked U.S. Latinos about their views, attitudes and experiences with the Spanish language. Here is what we found.

Key findings:

• While most U.S. Latinos speak Spanish, not all do. 24% of all Latino adults say they can only carry on a conversation in Spanish a little or not at all. Among third- or higher-generation Latinos, a much higher share are not Spanish speakers: Close to two-thirds (65%) of third- or higher-generation Latinos say they cannot carry on a conversation well in Spanish.
• About half of U.S. Hispanics who do not speak Spanish have been shamed because of it. 54% of Hispanics who say they speak no more than a little Spanish say another Hispanic person has made them feel bad for it.
• Some Hispanics make jokes about those who do not speak Spanish. Four-in-ten Hispanic adults say they hear other Hispanics make jokes, extremely often or often, about Hispanics who do not speak Spanish or don’t speak it well.
• Spanglish use is widespread among U.S. Hispanics. 63% report speaking Spanglish, a combination of Spanish and English, at least sometimes.
• Personal Hispanic identity is related to views about Spanish. U.S. Hispanics who consider their Hispanic identity to be extremely or very important to how they think about themselves are more likely than other Hispanics to say it’s important for future generations to speak Spanish. They are also more likely to say it is necessary for someone to speak Spanish in order to be considered Hispanic.

Speaking Spanish can be an important skill, a means of communication and a marker of identity for U.S. Latinos. The Spanish language is a source of pride for some, and many Latino parents encourage their U.S.-born children to speak it. Importantly, the United States has one of the world’s largest Spanish-speaking populations.

For this report, Pew Research Center surveyed a nationally representative sample of 3,029 U.S. Latino adults, in English and Spanish, from Aug. 1 to 14, 2022. Findings among the sample often differ by nativity, immigrant generation, age, educational attainment and language use.

Spanish speaking and its importance in Latino identity

Latino identity in the U.S. can be shaped by many factors. One of them is speaking Spanish, which some Latinos use to distinguish who is Latino from who is not. Yet most Latino adults (78%) say it is not necessary to speak Spanish to be considered Latino, while 21% say it is.

While strong majorities among major Latino demographic subgroups say it is not necessary to speak Spanish to be considered Latino, there are some notable differences in views.

• Latino immigrants are less likely than U.S.-born Latinos to say speaking Spanish is not necessary to be considered Latino – 70% vs. 87%.
• Just 7% of third- or higher-generation Latinos (the Latino U.S.-born children of U.S.-born parents) say it is necessary for someone to speak Spanish to be Latino.²
• Spanish-dominant Hispanics (34%) are more likely than bilingual (22%) and English-dominant (6%) Hispanics to say speaking Spanish is necessary for a person to be considered Hispanic.

Importance of future U.S. Latino generations speaking Spanish

While most Latinos say speaking Spanish is not necessary to be considered Latino, most agree it is important for future generations to speak it.

A majority of Latinos (65%) say it is at least very important that future generations of Latinos in the U.S. speak Spanish, including a third who say it is extremely important. Only 5% say it’s not at all important.

Immigrant and U.S.-born Latinos and the future of Spanish in the U.S.

Immigrant Latinos are more likely than U.S.-born Latinos to say it is important that future generations of U.S. Latinos can speak Spanish.

• 42% of Latino immigrants say it’s extremely important for future U.S. generations of Latinos to speak Spanish.
• A quarter of U.S.-born Latinos say the same.
• A fifth of U.S.-born Latinos say it is not too or not at all important, while only 7% of foreign-born Latinos say the same.

Among U.S.-born Latinos, the importance of future generations speaking Spanish decreases among later immigrant generations

• About three-in-ten second-generation Latinos (31%) say it is extremely important that future U.S. Latinos speak Spanish.
• Among third- or higher-generation Latinos, about a third (32%) say it is extremely or very important for future generations of U.S. Latinos to speak Spanish, including just 13% who say it’s extremely important.
• By contrast, three-in-ten third- or higher-generation Latinos say it is not too or not at all important that future generations of Latinos are able to speak Spanish. 

How Spanish language use affects U.S. Hispanics’ views of the future of Spanish in the U.S.

The importance of future generations of U.S. Hispanics speaking Spanish is strongly related to whether they are Spanish dominant, bilingual or English dominant.

• Virtually all Spanish-dominant Hispanics (96%) say it is at least somewhat important for future generations of U.S. Hispanics to speak Spanish, including 44% who say it is extremely important.
• Among English-dominant Hispanics, 72% say this is at least somewhat important, with only 13% saying it is extremely important.

Political party affiliation and views of the future of Spanish

Hispanic Democrats are slightly more likely than Hispanic Republicans to say it is important for future generations of Hispanics in the U.S. to speak Spanish.

• Close to nine-in-ten Democratic and Democratic-leaning Hispanics (88%) say this is at least somewhat important, with 36% saying it is extremely important.
• 80% of Republican and Republican-leaning Hispanics say it is at least somewhat important for future generations of U.S. Hispanics to speak Spanish, with 26% saying it’s extremely important.

Hispanic place of origin and views of the future of Spanish

Hispanics of Central American origin place greater importance on future generations of U.S. Hispanics being able to speak Spanish.

• 79% of Hispanics with roots in Central America say it is extremely or very important for future generations of U.S. Hispanics to speak Spanish.
• This is significantly higher than the share who say this among Mexicans (64%) and Puerto Ricans (59%).
• Similar shares of Cubans (63%) and South Americans (65%) say it is extremely or very important.

How well Latinos say they speak Spanish

Spanish is the most commonly spoken non-English language in the United States, with close to 40 million Latinos speaking Spanish at home.

We asked respondents how well they could carry on a conversation in Spanish, both understanding and speaking. While nearly all foreign-born Latinos say they speak Spanish well, Spanish-language abilities among Latinos fade across immigrant generations.

• 75% of U.S. Latinos report being able to carry on a conversation in Spanish pretty well or very well.
• A much smaller majority (57%) of all U.S.-born Latinos report the same.
• Only 34% of third- or higher-generation Latinos say they can carry on a Spanish-language conversation at least pretty well, with only 14% saying they can do so very well.

Shame, comments and jokes around not speaking Spanish

For many Latinos, the inability to speak Spanish can result in others shaming them or making jokes about their Spanish.

Recently, a video of a young Mexican American soccer fan’s struggle to answer a reporter’s questions in Spanish went viral, sparking online ridicule of his parents for not teaching him Spanish. 

This type of shaming around Spanish is not new. During the 2016 presidential primaries, Sen. Marco Rubio questioned Sen. Ted Cruz on his Spanish-speaking ability. Some took this as Rubio implying Cruz was not “Latino enough.”

This shaming could have impacts on whether Latinos who do not speak Spanish feel “Latino enough,” a sentiment award-winning actor Ariana DeBose has expressed.

Among U.S. Latinos who say they can carry on a conversation in Spanish a little or not at all:

• 54% say another Latino has made them feel bad for it.
• Roughly six-in-ten with at least some college experience say this has happened to them, while 47% of Latinos with less education say the same.
• 57% of 18- to 49-year-olds report being shamed by other Latinos for not speaking Spanish well. Meanwhile, 44% of those 50 and older say they have had this experience.

Among all Latinos, many often hear comments or jokes about Latinos who do not speak Spanish.

• 40% of U.S. Latinos say they often or extremely often hear family and friends make jokes or comments about other Latinos who cannot speak Spanish.
• Another 29% say this happens sometimes.

How Spanish language use is linked to perception of these jokes and comments

Latinos’ experiences of how often family members or friends comment and joke about others not speaking Spanish well are strongly related to whether they are Spanish dominant, bilingual or English dominant.

• Bilingual Hispanics (47%) are more likely than English-dominant or Spanish-dominant Hispanics to say these types of comments happen extremely or very often.
• Four-in-ten English-dominant Hispanics say these comments rarely or never happen.

Age

Age is also a factor in how often Latinos say jokes about Spanish-speaking abilities happen.

• Half of young Hispanic adults – those ages 18 to 29, the least likely age group to be able to carry on a conversation in Spanish – say these jokes or comments happen extremely or very often, significantly higher than all other age groups.
• Latinos 65 and older (44%) are more likely than some younger groups to say these comments and jokes rarely or never happen.

Spanglish use

“Spanglish” is the practice of using words from both Spanish and English interchangeably when speaking. It is such a common practice that it appears in both the Royal Spanish Academy and Oxford English dictionaries.

A majority of U.S. Latinos (63%) say they use Spanglish at least sometimes, including 40% who say they do so often.

Immigrant status and generation

Immigrant status and generation is linked to how often one uses Spanglish.

• Second-generation Hispanics are more likely than third- or higher-generation Hispanics to say they use Spanglish at least sometimes (72% vs. 45%).
• About half (52%) of third- or higher-generation Hispanics say they rarely or never do so.

How English and Spanish ability is linked to Spanglish use

Bilingual Latinos are more likely to use Spanglish than English- or Spanish-dominant Latinos.

• Most bilingual Latinos report using Spanglish at least sometimes (77%), with about half (52%) saying they do so very or extremely often.
• 54% of English-dominant and 56% of Spanish-dominant Latinos say they use Spanglish at least sometimes.
• 41% of Spanish-dominant Latinos say they rarely or never use Spanglish, about twice the share among bilingual Latinos (21%).

Links between Hispanic identity and views about Spanish

Among U.S. Hispanics who consider their Hispanic identity to be extremely or very important to how they view themselves:

• Nearly all (94%) say it is at least somewhat important that future generations of Hispanics in the U.S. speak Spanish, with 79% saying it is very or extremely important.
• 25% believe someone must be able to speak Spanish to be considered Hispanic.
• About half (49%) say they often hear jokes or comments from family or friends about Hispanics who do not speak Spanish.

All three of these measures decrease among those who see less importance in Hispanic identity.

The post Latinos’ Views of and Experiences With the Spanish Language appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Nearly all Japanese adults in the U.S. (92%) say they have a favorable opinion of Japan, including 63% who have a very favorable view. This is a more favorable rating than any other place asked about in the survey. And Japanese adults’ views of Japan are somewhat more positive than among other Asian adults,⁹ 67% of whom say they have a positive view of Japan.

Though about nine-in-ten Japanese adults say they have a favorable opinion of their ancestral homeland, only about a quarter say they would ever move to Japan, compared with 72% who say they would not.

Japanese Americans have largely positive views of the United States (79%) and Taiwan (64%). In the case of the U.S., around half even report very favorable views (48%), our survey analysis finds.

About half of Japanese adults (53%) say they have a favorable view of South Korea, while 36% say their opinion is neither favorable nor unfavorable. Around one-in-ten have negative views of South Korea.

When it comes to Vietnam, Japanese Americans’ views are more neutral. About six-in-ten say their opinion of Vietnam is neither favorable nor unfavorable, though a higher share say their opinion is favorable than unfavorable (37% vs. 4%).

About half of Japanese adults also have a neutral opinion of India and the Philippines (52% and 51%, respectively). In the case of India, similar shares report favorable and unfavorable views (24% and 21%). In the case of the Philippines, though, the balance of opinion is more positive than negative (38% vs. 10%).

Like some other Asian origin groups, Japanese Americans view China the most negatively of all the places asked about. Two-thirds of Japanese adults (66%) say they have an unfavorable opinion of the country. Similar shares say their view is favorable or neutral (14% and 18%).   

The post 4. Japanese Americans’ views of Japan and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Pew Research Center has a long history of measuring Americans’ views of the United States, China and other countries, but less is known about Asian Americans’ views of these countries. Amid the American public’s increasingly negative views of China and rising concern over tensions between mainland China and Taiwan, how do Asian Americans feel about the homelands in Asia to which they trace their heritage, as well as about the U.S., China and elsewhere?

Around three-quarters of Asian Americans (78%) have a favorable view of the United States – including 44% who report very favorable views of the country. A majority also say they have positive views of Japan (68%), South Korea (62%) and Taiwan (56%), according to a new analysis of a multilingual, nationally representative survey of Asian American adults conducted from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023.

Opinion of Vietnam, the Philippines and India is more mixed. In the case of both Vietnam and the Philippines, 37% of Asian adults have positive views, while around half say they have neither favorable nor unfavorable views, and only around one-in-ten see the countries in a negative light. Meanwhile, 33% of Asian Americans have favorable views of India, 41% report a neutral view and 23% view it unfavorably.

Asian Americans have predominantly negative views of China. Only 20% of Asian adults have a favorable opinion of China, compared with 52% who have an unfavorable opinion and 26% with neither a favorable nor unfavorable opinion.

Asian Americans have largely favorable views of their ancestral homelands

Overall, Asian Americans have positive views of the places they trace their heritage to. About nine-in-ten Taiwanese and Japanese Americans say their opinion of their own ancestral homeland is very or somewhat favorable, as do large majorities of Korean, Indian and Filipino adults. A smaller majority of Vietnamese Americans say they have a favorable view of Vietnam.

By contrast, Chinese Americans have more mixed views of China.⁹ Fewer than half say they hold a favorable opinion. Still, a larger share of Chinese Americans have a positive opinion of China than other Asian adults,¹⁰ 41% vs. 14%.

Origin groups also see their ancestral homelands much more favorably than other Asian adults. Among the seven origin groups highlighted in this report, the difference is largest on views of India: 76% of Indian adults have a favorable opinion of India, compared with 23% of other Asian adults, a gap of 53 percentage points. The gap is smallest on views of Vietnam, though there is still a sizable difference: 59% of Vietnamese adults have a favorable view versus 34% of other Asian adults, a 25-point difference.

Chinese and Vietnamese adults are the only origin groups in this analysis to express more favorable views of other places in Asia than their homelands. Chinese adults see Japan, Taiwan and South Korea more favorably than they do China. Vietnamese adults see Japan more favorably than they do Vietnam.

Chinese Americans favor Taiwan over China

Amid rising tensions between mainland China and Taiwan, Chinese Americans’ favorability of Taiwan over China is particularly notable: 62% of Chinese Americans say they have a favorable view of Taiwan, higher than the share that says the same about China (41%).

Even so, Chinese Americans’ views of China and Taiwan vary depending on where they were born and, for immigrants, how long they have lived in the United States:

• Chinese immigrant adults are more likely than U.S.-born Chinese adults to have a favorable view of China (45% vs. 25%).
• On their views of Taiwan, Chinese immigrants are somewhat less likely than those born in the U.S. to have a favorable opinion (60% vs. 70%).

Favorability of Asian Americans’ ancestral homelands varies across some origin groups  

Asian origin groups differ in their assessments of some of the places asked about in the survey. Some groups stand out for their general positivity toward most places, as in the case of Filipinos. Others vary widely depending on which specific place is asked about. For instance: 

• Asian Americans overall have majority favorable views of Japan. But Korean Americans stand out: Only 36% have positive views of Japan.
• By comparison, Japanese Americans’ views of South Korea are more positive, at 53%. Still, Japanese and Chinese Americans’ evaluations of South Korea are slightly less favorable than the views among other origin groups – especially Filipino adults.

• Indian adults in the U.S. are around three times as likely as almost any other Asian origin group to have favorable views of India. While 76% of Indian Americans have favorable views of India, the next highest ratings come from Filipino Americans – only 31% of whom agree. Ratings of India are particularly negative among Chinese and Korean adults in the U.S.
• Few Asian adults overall have favorable views of China, though there is some variation across origin groups. While 19% of Filipino adults in the U.S. have a favorable opinion of China, smaller shares of Indian (10%), Korean (8%) and Taiwanese adults (2%) say the same.¹¹

Favorability varies across nativity, education and other demographic factors

Foreign-born and U.S.-born Asian Americans differ in their views of certain places:

• In most cases, Asian immigrants express more positive views of the places they trace their heritage to than U.S.-born Asian adults.
• Foreign-born Asian adults have much more favorable views of the United States than those born in the U.S. (83% vs. 64%).
• Asian immigrants also have slightly more positive views of India and China than U.S.-born Asian adults. There are no differences between foreign- and U.S.-born Asian Americans when it comes to any of the other places asked about in the survey.

Asian Americans with higher levels of educational attainment often feel more positively about the places they were asked about than those with lower levels of formal schooling:

• When it comes to views of India, 42% of those with a postgraduate degree have favorable views of the country, compared with 35% of those with a bachelor’s degree and 27% of those with less formal schooling.
• The pattern is reversed, though, when it comes to China. Asian Americans with lower levels of education tend to feel more positively about China than those with more education. For example, 17% of those with at least a bachelor’s degree have positive views of China, compared with 23% of those who did not complete college.

Overall, there is little variation in attitudes by party identification. This lack of difference is notable on views toward China. Nearly identical shares of Republican and Democratic Asian Americans see the country positively (20% and 18%, respectively) and negatively (55% and 52%). This departs from trends seen among the general U.S. public: Our past analyses have found that Republicans are more likely than Democrats to hold an unfavorable opinion of China.

Most Asian adults would not move to their ancestral homelands

While Asian adults have largely favorable views of their ancestral homelands, most say they would not move (or, in some cases, move back) there if they had the chance. Nearly three-quarters of Asian adults say this, while 26% say they would.

Asian immigrants are twice as likely as those who are U.S. born to say they would move to the homelands of their heritage (30% vs. 14%).

Likewise, interest in moving to their homelands is lower among immigrants who have been in the U.S. for a longer time. About half (47%) of Asian immigrants who have been in the U.S. for 10 years or less say they would move to their ancestral homeland, compared with roughly one-in-five (22%) who have been in the U.S. for more than 20 years.

Asian Americans’ response to this question differs somewhat across origin groups. Willingness to move to the places they trace their heritage to ranges from a low of 16% among Chinese Americans to a high of 33% among Indian Americans. And among many origin groups, immigrants are more likely to say that they would move there than those born in the U.S.  

Among the 26% of Asian Americans who say they would move to the homeland of their ancestors, top reasons include proximity to friends or family (36%) and a lower cost of living (22%). Smaller shares also pointed to greater familiarity with the culture, better support for older people and feeling safer there.

The survey also finds the main reasons Asian Americans say they would move to their places of origin varies across some Asian origin groups:¹²

• Chinese adults who say they would move to China would do so to be closer to family and friends (27%) and because they are more familiar with Chinese culture (24%).
• Filipino adults who say they would move to the Philippines would do so for the lower cost of living (47%) and to be closer to friends or family (35%).
• Half of Indian adults who say they would move to India would do so because of its lower cost of living (52%).
• Korean adults who say they would move to South Korea would do so for better health care (24%) and to be closer to family and friends (22%).
• Vietnamese adults who say they would move to Vietnam would do so for its lower cost of living (35%) and to be closer to friends and family (32%).

Majority of Asian Americans see the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power in the next decade

About half of Asian Americans (53%) say the United States will be the world’s leading economic power over the next decade. Roughly one-third (36%) say China will be the leading economic power globally in the next 10 years, and much lower shares say the same of India and Japan.

These views are broadly consistent with those of the American public. In a March 2023 survey using a slightly different question asking which of four places – the U.S., China, the EU or Japan – is currently the world’s leading economic power, 48% named the U.S. and 38% China.

Views of the next decade’s top economy vary across place of birth and age:

• Among Asian immigrants, 57% see the U.S. as the leading economic power, while just 32% say it will be China.
• U.S.-born Asian adults are roughly divided over whether the U.S. or China will be the top economy (43% vs. 46%).
• Older Asian Americans are more likely than younger ones to say the U.S. will be the top economy: 62% of Asian adults ages 65 and older name the U.S. as the next decade’s leading economic power, compared with 49% of those under 50.

Views of the world’s leading economic power by Asian origin group

Asian adults are more likely to say the U.S. will be the leading economic power in 10 years than China. Still, origin groups differ in the degree to which they see this pattern.

For example, Chinese adults are somewhat more divided than most other groups, with 53% naming the U.S. as the top power compared with 40% who name China. This gap of 13 percentage points is much smaller than the gap of 38 points between the U.S. and China among Taiwanese adults, or the gap of 20 points or more among Vietnamese, Korean and Japanese Americans.

Indian adults are also the most likely to say India will be the world’s leading economic power, with 15% holding this view. No more than 2% of any other origin group highlighted in this report say the same.

Japanese (5%) and Filipino (6%) adults are also relatively more likely than most other origin groups to describe Japan as the next decade’s leading economic power than other origin groups – though the absolute share who see Japan this way (3%) still pales in comparison to those who name China or the U.S.

The remainder of this report explores in depth the views of each of the seven origin groups – Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Japanese, Korean, Taiwanese and Vietnamese adults in the U.S.

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About four-in-ten Chinese Americans see China in a positive light, and around a third (35%) see the country unfavorably. Roughly a fifth say they have a neither favorable nor unfavorable view of China. Chinese adults stand out for being one of the few origin groups that rate other Asian places more favorably than their own place of origin – more Chinese Americans say they have positive views of Japan, Taiwan and South Korea than China.

On the Philippines, Vietnam and India, Chinese adults generally hold neutral opinions. About half or more say they have a neither favorable nor unfavorable view of each place.

How Chinese Americans’ views differ from those of other Asian Americans

Chinese Americans’ views of the places asked about tend to differ substantially from those of other Asian American adults.⁶ The difference is greatest when it comes to China, which only 14% of other Asian adults see favorably (compared with 41% of Chinese adults). They are also more likely than other Asian adults to see Taiwan favorably (62% vs. 55%).

Outside of these two places, though, Chinese Americans tend to have less favorable views when compared with other Asian adults. For example, while 42% of other Asian Americans see the Philippines favorably, only 20% of Chinese Americans do.

More time spent in the U.S. is associated with less favorable views of China, more favorable views of Taiwan

The number of years Chinese Americans have lived in the U.S. is related to how they see China and Taiwan.

On views of China, those who were born in the U.S. are much less likely to hold a positive view of China than those who were born abroad (25% vs. 45%). And, among immigrants, those who have been in the U.S. longer tend to feel much less positively about China than those who immigrated more recently.

When it comes to favorability of Taiwan, U.S.-born Chinese Americans are more likely to see Taiwan favorably than Chinese immigrants (70% vs. 60%).

Chinese Americans mostly uninterested in moving to China

Though a plurality of Chinese Americans hold a favorable view of China, few are interested in moving there. About eight-in-ten say they would not move to China, compared with 16% who say they would.

Chinese Americans who are bilingual or whose primary language is a Chinese dialect are somewhat more likely to be interested or willing to move to China than those who are English dominant. While about one-in-five bilingual or Chinese-dominant Chinese Americans say they would ever move to China, only 7% of English-dominant Chinese Americans would ever do the same.

Among Chinese Americans born outside of the U.S., citizenship status plays a role in how they see moving to China. Noncitizens are much more likely than citizens to say they would move to China.

Likewise, immigrants who have been in the U.S. for longer are less likely to say they would move to China: Whereas less than a fifth of those who have spent more than 10 years in the U.S. express a willingness to move back to China, about a third of those who have been in the U.S. for 10 years or less (36%) would ever move back.

Among Chinese Americans who would move to China, being closer to friends or family and more familiarity with the culture are the most common reasons for considering doing so (about a quarter each). Some 13% say they would feel safer in China, while others point to less racism (8%), better elder care (8%), and lower cost of living (7%) as the primary factor.

The post 1. Chinese Americans’ views of China and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Filipino immigrants, Republicans and those 50 and older have particularly favorable views of the U.S., with nearly nine-in-ten of each group saying they see the place very or somewhat favorably. 

A large majority of Filipino adults (72%) see the Philippines favorably. Only 9% say they hold an unfavorable opinion, and about two-in-ten say their opinion of the Philippines is neither favorable nor unfavorable.

Filipino immigrants tend to view the Philippines more positively than those who were born in the United States. Filipino immigrants are much more likely to have a very favorable view of the Philippines than U.S.-born Filipinos (45% vs. 26%). And U.S.-born Filipino Americans are more likely to see the country neutrally (27% vs. 12%).

When it comes to South Korea and Taiwan, a majority of Filipino adults say their opinion of each place is favorable.

About half of Filipino Americans say their opinion of Vietnam and India is neither favorable nor unfavorable. However, views of both places skew more positive than they do negative. For Vietnam, 44% hold a favorable opinion, compared with 5% with an unfavorable one. And for India, 31% view it positively, while 19% view it negatively.

Half of Filipino adults have an unfavorable view of China, with similar shares saying their opinion is very and somewhat unfavorable. On these views, there are some differences by education: Filipino adults with a bachelor’s degree or higher are more likely to have unfavorable views than those with less education.

Compared with other Asian adults,⁷ Filipino adults tend to have more positive views of the places asked about. They are more than twice as likely as other Asian adults to have a favorable view of the Philippines (72% vs. 30%). Filipino Americans are also more likely to see Japan and Vietnam in a positive light.

Two-thirds of Filipino adults say they would not move to the Philippines, though interest differs by nativity

Though a large majority of Filipino Americans have favorable views of the Philippines, most say they would not move there. Some 67% of Filipino adults say they would not move to the Philippines if they had the chance, while 31% say they would.

However, willingness to move to the Philippines varies significantly by place of birth. Filipino immigrants are about four times as likely as U.S.-born Filipino adults to say they would move to the Philippines (43% vs. 10%).

Among those who could see themselves moving to the Philippines, half say the main reason is lower cost of living. About one-third say proximity to loved ones is the main draw, while smaller shares point to better support for older people, less racism and more familiarity with Filipino culture.

The post 2. Filipino Americans’ views of the Philippines and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Roughly three-quarters of Indian adults in the U.S. say their opinion of India is very or somewhat favorable, compared with 5% who offer unfavorable views of the country and 16% who have neither favorable nor unfavorable views. Indian Americans’ views of India are also substantially more positive than other Asians’ views: 76% vs. 23%.⁸

Though similar shares of U.S.-born Indian adults and Indian immigrants have a favorable opinion of India, those born in the U.S. are more like than those born abroad to say they have a neutral view of the country (31% vs. 13%). And among immigrants, those who are not U.S. citizens are more likely to have favorable views of India than those who are naturalized citizens (87% vs. 73%). 

Most Indian adults also see Japan (70%) and South Korea (60%) in a favorable light. About half say they have a favorable opinion of Taiwan.

When asked about their opinion of Vietnam and the Philippines, about half of Indian Americans say they have neither a favorable nor unfavorable opinion of each country (52% each). Among those who do indicate favorability, views skew more positive than negative: 37% of Indian adults say they view Vietnam favorably, compared with only 5% who view it unfavorably. And 34% say they have a positive opinion of the Philippines, compared with 9% who say the opposite.

Indian Americans’ views of China are much more negative. Some 59% of Indian adults say they have an unfavorable opinion of China, including 32% who report very unfavorable opinions of the country. Overall, Indian adults are 12 percentage points less likely than other Asian adults to say their opinion of China is favorable.

Indian Americans’ views vary by gender and partisan identity

There are some differences in Indian Americans’ views by gender. On views of Taiwan and Vietnam, men are more likely than women to have favorable views of each country. Views of China are an exception to this pattern: A higher share of Indian men than women have an unfavorable opinion (66% vs. 53%). This stems from Indian men being more likely to have a very unfavorable opinion of China than Indian women (40% vs. 23%).

Partisan identity also colors how Indian adults view some places. Indian adults who are Democrats or lean to the Democratic Party are more likely than Indian Republicans or Republican leaners to have favorable views of South Korea and Taiwan.

Interest in moving to India differs across time spent in the U.S.

When asked whether they would ever move to India, 33% of Indian adults say they would, compared with 65% of Indian adults who say the opposite.

Foreign-born Indian adults are more likely than those born in the U.S. to say they would move to India (36% vs. 14%). Immigrants who have been in the U.S. for less time are also particularly likely to be open to moving back relative to those who have been in the U.S. for longer.

Nearly all U.S.-born Indian adults say they would not move to India (85%).

Among the third of Indian adults who say they would move to India, about half say the main reason for the move is to be closer to loved ones. Smaller shares cite lower cost of living (12%), more familiarity with Indian culture (7%), more job opportunities (6%), and better elder care (6%) as the main reason they would move there.

The post 3. Indian Americans’ views of India and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

Korean men and those with a postgraduate degree stand out in their positive views. Nine-in-ten Korean adults of both groups (92%) view South Korea favorably, including 61% of men and 50% of advanced degree holders who say their opinion of South Korea is very favorable.

About three-quarters of Korean adults hold broadly positive views toward the U.S.

When asked about their views of Taiwan, Korean Americans skew positive in their opinions but are more split: They are only slightly more likely to say they have a favorable view than a neutral one (52% vs. 41%). Few Korean Americans (5%) have negative views of Taiwan.

Korean Americans are about evenly split when it comes to views of Japan. Some 36% of Korean adults have a favorable view of the country, 34% have a neutral opinion and 29% have an unfavorable view.

Korean Americans hold more neutral views of Vietnam, the Philippines and India.

About six-in-ten Korean adults say their opinions of Vietnam and the Philippines are neither favorable nor unfavorable (59% and 57% respectively). Around three-in-ten see each of these countries favorably, and around one-in-ten see each unfavorably.

While around half of Korean adults (52%) say they have a neutral opinion of India, the balance of opinion is somewhat more negative (30%) than positive (17%).

A majority of Korean adults have negative views of China. About two-thirds of Korean Americans say they have an unfavorable opinion of China.

Stronger ties to the Korean Peninsula are associated with less favorable views of Japan

Korean adults are about half as likely to hold a favorable view of Japan as other Asian adults.¹⁰ Perhaps related to the contentious historical relationship between Korea and Japan, Korean Americans’ views of Japan vary by their connection to the Korean Peninsula.

U.S.-born Korean adults are more likely to have positive views of Japan than those born abroad (50% vs. 31%). Among Korean immigrants, those who have been in the U.S. for more than two decades are more likely than those who arrived more recently to say they have a favorable view of Japan (38% vs. 20%).

Younger Korean adults are also more likely to have a favorable view of Japan than older Korean adults: Four-in-ten Korean adults in the U.S. ages 18 to 49 say their opinion of Japan is very or somewhat favorable, compared with about a quarter of those 50 and older.

Most Korean adults say they would not move to Korea

Though an overwhelming majority of Korean adults in the U.S. have a favorable view of South Korea, only about a quarter (26%) say they would ever move there. Roughly three-quarters of Korean adults (72%) say they would not move to Korea.

Views do not differ between those who are foreign born and those who were born in the U.S.

Among the one-in-four Korean adults who say they would move to Korea, about half said the main reason would be to receive better health care (24%) or to be closer to friends or family (22%).

Smaller shares of Korean adults who said they would move to South Korea said the main reason is because they feel safer there, they’re more familiar with Korean culture, or because South Korea has better support for older people (10% each).

The post 5. Korean Americans’ views of South Korea and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.

A large majority of Taiwanese Americans (95%) hold a favorable view of Taiwan, including 75% who say their opinion is very favorable.

Though nearly all Taiwanese adults in the U.S. have a positive attitude toward Taiwan, only three-in-ten say they would consider moving there, our survey analysis finds.

About nine-in-ten have a positive view of Japan, and roughly three-quarters see the U.S. positively. South Korea is also seen favorably by about two-thirds of Taiwanese Americans.

Taiwanese Americans generally hold neither favorable nor unfavorable views of Vietnam, the Philippines and India.

Taiwanese Americans see China the most unfavorably out of the places they were asked about. Just 2% of Taiwanese U.S. adults have a positive opinion of China. Conversely, 84% have an unfavorable view of China, including 62% who have a very unfavorable view.¹¹

Taiwanese Americans’ views of many of the places included in the survey differ significantly from those of other Asian Americans.¹² They are much more likely than other Asian adults to hold a favorable view of Taiwan (95% vs. 56%) and Japan (87% vs. 68%). Compared with other Asian Americans, they also hold less positive views of China (2% vs. 20%).

The post 6. Taiwanese Americans’ views of Taiwan and other places appeared first on Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity.